and Mexico, addressed to migrants, public officials, and government workers of both nations, "to measure the interests of all parties in the migration phenomenon against the guidelines of Catholic social teaching and to offer a moral framework for embracing, not rejecting, the reality of migration between our two nations.
This developmental treatment takes the reader through the bill’s passage and concludes that Catholic public policy allows this religious group to operate as a public citizen church in the modern world.
Part I discusses the "relevance of faith to a Catholic attorney’s work"; Part II provides a hypothetical scenario and recommendations for action, judgment and reflection.
The working paper is a statement of principles from Catholic social teaching about the dignity of work and the rights of workers, not a response to a particular situation.
Weigel believes that this classic tradition has been abandoned in the last twenty-five years, replaced by “a species of functional or de facto pacifism.” Weigel argues that the Catholic Church can contribute to the war on terrorism only by reclaiming and teaching the principles of the classic just war tradition, thereby providing the basis for an all-inclusive and moral approach to world politics.
Principle III states that society as a whole, including government, bears the responsibility for eliminating discrimination and “providing mechanisms for relief.” The author concludes by encouraging Catholic parishes to become involved in efforts to reform affirmative action by working towards the elimination of discrimination through education and the promotion of active citizenship.
Catholic Bishops statement "Moral Principles and Policy Priorities on Welfare Reform" makes an important contribution to the welfare policy discussion and to the development of welfare ethics, particularly as the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of August 1996 is implemented at the state level throughout the nation.
Bishops describe this document as a challenge "to incorporate Catholic social teaching more fully and explicitly into Catholic educational programs." In their words it is intended as "a call to action, an appeal especially to pastors, educators, and catechists to teach the Catholic social tradition in its fullness.
Catholic legal education should "rock the boat" in order to help students develop a robust intellectual framework which would help them to challenge, or at least think about, how their work as lawyers impacts the common good and the poor.
The authors examine traditional Catholic participation in modern American society and explore methods to strengthen the engagement of Catholic leaders, secular media, and politicians to revitalize religious good works in America.
This Foreword introduces the symposium papers by first describing three main streams of thought that flow into pro-life progressivism: the Catholic social-justice tradition, especially the consistent ethic of life articulated by Joseph Cardinal Bernardin; pro-life feminism represented by groups such as Feminists for Life; and the left wing of evangelical Protestantism, represented by figures such as Jim Wallis, the symposium's keynote speaker.
He sees the doctrine as the axis upon which Catholic literature generally rests, and uses it as a framework for exploring the differences between particular authors.
This reputation marginalized interest in Taparelli and obscured the relevance of his theoretical works to the development of the Catholic liberal tradition.
From a Catholic perspective, the "culture of life" as conceived by John Paul II vigorously opposes stem cell research, but embryo donation has not found its place within the Catholic "culture of life", and substituting the word "adoption" for "donation" does not solve the perplexing dilemma.