Israel: God of all waits on your cry to him in the name of Jesus.
Your land belongs to God and not just that little piece of land your on that has the Middle East foaming like pigs that they are. But also Gaza, Egypt, Jordan, Persia “Iran” turkey, the ottoman empire. “These and more was give to Abraham, conquered by Joshua, and king David, and right in that region once stood the beginning of time and earth… the garden of Eden. Benjamin you have great wisdom and patience from God you were chosen for a time like this… Armageddon. There will be no more war after this. If you give God all the glory for every victory you bleed for. He has promised vengeance to those who oppose the apple of his eye; your enemies will be slaughtered by his wrath. There will be a time were be a time were even the powerful I.D.F. will down in two days giving the land time for refuge read the whole word of God all 66 books I am an pagan who took Christ to heart he came and promised to come back in great power, that’s why the orthodox Jews did not receive his visitation the first time. Please get right with the Christ today, they call him Yeshua. Just a taught but push Gaza into the Mediterranean sea and see if rats swim. That land shall not be divided ever, if so damnation comes on the world and Christ will come and take those who call on his name off this earth till all opposition is gone. Shalom.
I am very apprehensive but I still remainhopeful, and even confident, that America, with its humane and democratictraditions, will find the wisdom to match its power.
Almost a year ago, Giulio Regeni, a young Italian scholar, was found dead in Cairo, likely killed by local security forces. A year of investigations and red herrings later, the call for truth and justice has yet to be answered. The purpose of this essay, is to investigate responsibility in this case, while considering the interconnections among strategic factors, economic interests, diplomacy, and the violation of human rights, on both the Italian and the Egyptian sides. We then discuss the political role of memory and remembrance, placing Regeni’s story within the broader framework of the Egyptian regime with its (thousands of) victims of torture — asking whether there are ways to remember (and talk about) Regeni’s case without obliterate the less visible or completely invisible others, or even to make his story an input for a radical exercise of collective memory, through what we call the logic of exemplarity. Re-narrating Regeni’s story, set at the crossroad of different memories and public spheres, can therefore radically undermine our (Western, hegemonic) way of looking at the world and shed light on the murky mapping of responsibilities.
An effective and transparent administration forms the backbone of a well-run democratic state and market economy in the developing world (Grindle & Hilderbrand, 1995.) Recruitment of public-sector staff based on merit plays an important role in ensuring not only that the machine functions smoothly but also that ordinary citizens have confidence in how their country is governed. Patronage or favouritism can undermine both functioning and public confidence (Anderson & Tverdova, 2003; Seligson, 2002; Chanley, Rudolph, & Rahn, 2000; Rothstein & Teorell, 2008).
Do ordinary Cameroonians believe that such factors play an important role in public-sector careers? Based on data from Afrobarometer’s Round 6 (2015) survey, substantial proportions of the population do. Moreover, citizens who see such favouritism at work in career advancement are less likely to hold positive views of Cameroon’s democracy.
In 2003, in a of the so-called “” policy, Italian intelligence agents with US colleagues to deport a terrorism suspect to Egypt, Abu Omar, even though they knew he was going to be tortured there; a of this decision by the European Court of Human Rights followed in May 2016. Recalling this story allows us to grasp the complexity of the context: on the one hand, it seems that Western countries inevitably need non-Western partners for their self-proclaimed War on Terror; on the other, the spread of authoritarian and non-democratic regimes actually put IS in a condition to thrive. We can no longer defend Sisi’s regime’s violence on a cynically functional basis — i.e. that the regime is forced to adopt repressive measures to combat a constant terrorist menace. Regeni’s death is only one of the most apparent episodes showing the sheer falsity of such a depiction: he clearly did not represent a direct threat to the government, nor he was an open opponent of the Egyptian government, and he was killed anyway.
In “Concerning the Jews,” Mark Twain mused on the hatred of Jews, on one hand, and their persistence, on the other hand: “…The Jews constitute but one percent of the human race. …Properly, the Jew ought hardly to be heard of, but he is heard of, has always been heard of. …The Egyptian, the Babylonian, and the Persian rose, filled the planet with sound and splendor, then faded to dream-stuff and passed away; the Greek and the Roman followed, and made a vast noise, and they are gone. Other people have sprung up and held their torch high for a time, but it burned out… The Jew saw them all, beat them all, and is now what he always was, exhibiting no decadence, no infirmities of age, no weakening of his parts, no slowing of his energies… All things are mortal but the Jew; all other forces pass, but he remains. What is the secret of his immortality?”
Regeni’s story would be unintelligible if kept separated from those of many Egyptian dissidents, whereas the latter, as we have seen, can be powerfully exemplified by the former, and thus resonate in the Western context. The indissoluble net of connections among memories finds its counterpart in the inextricability of political struggles: while Italians cannot really demand justice for Regeni without questioning the violence of Sisi’s regime and acknowledging the resistance movement, Egyptians could use the Regeni case — a Western foreigner killed as an Egyptian — to contrast the dictator’s xenophobic narrative.
Our focus as activists is on fighting against the risk that Regeni’s loved ones — and their Egyptian counterparts even more so — will end up suffering that condition Jill Stauffer (: 1) calls ethical loneliness: “the isolation one feels when one, as a violated person or as one member of a persecuted group, has been abandoned by humanity, or by those who have power over one’s life possibilities.” People facing this form of injustice, Stauffer says, find that the surrounding world will not listen to, or cannot properly hear, their testimony about what they have suffered, and what is now owed them, on their own terms. Listening to their memories and acting as sounding boards is thus a political task.